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COVID lockdown opponents try to sway German election

  • August 28, 2021

Henning Hacker, like many in his movement, says he wasn’t interested in politics — until last year. The 41-year-old IT and copyright lawyer — now Berlin leader of a new political party named “dieBasis” (the grassroots) — says he would have been happy to live his comfortable urban life with his family in Berlin, voting every few years for whichever party he thought had the most sensible policies.  

But then the coronavirus pandemic happened, and with it came the government’s first lockdown in March 2020. The actual restrictions varied by state, but across Germany, it usually meant the closure of nonessential shops, theaters, cinemas and sports venues, and limits on social contacts to the extent that more than two households could not meet. 

This was all too much for Hacker, who recognizes that COVID-19 is an illness that is dangerous “to a certain extent,” but also adds that he does not see it as dangerous enough to justify the lockdown measures that were imposed. 

“At first, my impression really was: OK, the measures might be a little over-the-top, but they want to play it safe, it seems to be reasonable,” he told DW. “But then when it became clear — in April and May, I think — that the measures aren’t helpful and the spread was within the boundaries of an ordinary infection, I thought: OK, now surely all the measures will be rolled back.”

Anti-lockdown protesters claimed the government was curbing their freedoms to do away with democracy

Founding the ‘Basis’ 

When that didn’t happen, Hacker sprang into political action, believing he was defending Germany’s constitutional freedoms. “I just thought — what? How can that be? Basic rights can only be suspended in emergencies,” he said, before adding that he is surprised that more colleagues in the legal profession have not acted against the restrictions the government put in place. 

He joined the anti-lockdown protests that raucously occupied many German town squares throughout the past year, and which comprised some dubious elements, up to and including far-right populists and conspiracy theorists. Hacker, meanwhile, who dismisses that element as a minority at the protests, became one of the founding members of dieBasis last July. 

He is impervious to all the arguments made by virologists and other experts who appeared on all channels pleading with the public to take the new virus seriously. 

The idea that the government’s prevention measures might have been the reason why Germany’s COVID infection and the death toll remained relatively low last summer, or that those measures were necessary to protect the hospitals from being overburdened — all those points make no impression on him. 

The Robert Koch Institute, Germany’s public health authority for disease prevention, reported Friday that over 92,000 people have died of COVID-19 in Germany and more than 3.9 million people have been infected by the virus.

But to Hacker, the fact that Germany’s intensive care units were never actually full proves the lockdown wasn’t necessary, and that all public health measures currently in place — including providing vaccines — are not only unnecessary but also possibly harmful.  

Thomas Bräuninger, a professor of political science at the University of Mannheim who has written about how new parties are formed, describes dieBasis as a “classic protest party” that is being held together by a single issue. But that doesn’t mean that those who join the party can be painted into one corner, he argues. 

“It’s an extremely heterogeneous collection of individuals who come from very different motivations,” said Bräuninger. “There’s a general mistrust of elites — they say: Things can’t go on like this, politicians do what they want, they should listen to the people. We’re the grassroots, we’re the people — that’s why they go on about direct democracy.” 

  • The Reichsbürger movement in Germany

    What do Reichsbürger believe?

    “Reichsbürger” translates to “citizens of the Reich.” The nebulous movement rejects the modern German state, and insists that the German Empire’s 1937 or 1871 borders still exist and the modern country is an administrative construct still occupied by Allied powers. For Reichsbürger, the government, parliament, judiciary and security agencies are puppets installed and controlled by foreigners.

  • The Reichsbürger movement in Germany

    What do they do?

    The Reichsbürger refuse to pay taxes or fines. They see their personal property, such as their houses, as independent entities outside the authority of the Federal Republic of Germany, and reject the German constitution and other legal texts, but also swamp German courts with lawsuits. They produce their own aspirational documents such as passports and driving licenses.

  • The Reichsbürger movement in Germany

    How much of a threat are they?

    The Reichsbürger scene began to develop in the 1980s and is a disparate, leaderless movement that has grown to about 19,000 supporters, according to German intelligence officials. Of those, about 950 have been identified as far-right extremists and at least 1,000 have a license to own firearms. Many subscribe to anti-Semitic ideologies.

  • The Reichsbürger movement in Germany

    Who are its members? One was Mr. Germany

    According to German authorities, the average Reichsbürger is 50 years old, male, and is socially and financially disadvantaged. The movement’s members are concentrated in the southern and eastern parts of Germany. Adrian Ursache, a former winner of the Mister Germany beauty pageant, is also a Reichsbürger and was sentenced to seven years in prison in 2019 for shooting and injuring a policeman.

  • The Reichsbürger movement in Germany

    Turning point

    The case of Wolfgang P., who in October 2017 was sentenced to life in prison for murdering a police officer, is seen as a turning point for how German authorities deal with the extremist group. P., an alleged Reichsbürger member, shot at officers who were raiding his home to confiscate weapons. The case gained international attention and set off alarm bells over the escalation of violence.

  • The Reichsbürger movement in Germany

    What are the authorities doing about it?

    German authorities were accused of long underestimating the threat. In 2017 for the first time Germany’s domestic intelligence service documented extremist crimes perpetrated by individual Reichsbürger. Since then there have been several raids on Reichsbürger targets and subgroups have been banned. Police and military have also probed whether they have Reichsbürger in their own ranks.

  • The Reichsbürger movement in Germany

    International parallels, conspiracy theories

    Reichsbürger have been seen waving Russian flags, leading to allegations that they are funded by Russia with the aim to destabilize the German government. Germany’s Reichsbürger are also compared to US groups such as “freemen-on-the-land,” who believe that they are bound only by laws they consent to and can therefore declare themselves independent of the government and the rule of law.

    Author: Samantha Early, Rina Goldenberg


The coronavirus campaign 

Though dieBasis’ arguments fly in the face of advice from public health officials, the party has seen a certain groundswell of anti-lockdown sentiment that is having a noticeable effect on Germany’s current election campaign.  

The pro-free market Free Democratic Party (FDP) and the far-right populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) have both adopted tougher anti-lockdown positions as the election campaign has worn on.

In late July, FDP leader Christian Lindner called for a “political guarantee” that there would be no new lockdown in the autumn. AfD lead candidate Alice Weidel made much the same demand in noisier terms at around the same time, releasing a statement claiming that “with its lockdown policies the state is destroying the prosperity of society.” 

 

That Germany’s intensive care units were never actually full proves to Hacker that the lockdown and all public health measures are unnecessary

Now, in late August, CDU chancellor candidate Armin Laschet has apparently acquiesced to that pressure, appearing in the tabloid Bild to proclaim there would “never again be a lockdown” if he were elected.  

Weidel’s intervention is particularly notable because in March 2020 she was equally angry at the government for not imposing tougher public health measures. As the coronavirus cases in all Germany had barely reached a total of 1,000, she said in a statement that “the behavior of politicians is irresponsible and endangers life and limb of the people in our country.” 

But this is a perfectly reasonable U-turn to take, according to Ronald Gläser, AfD spokesman in the Berlin party. “We were being presented as hysterics when Weidel said the borders had to be closed and the country had to prepare for a disaster scenario,” he told DW. “But then the government saw the chance to use limitations of basic rights to create an emergency situation, like in a war. We’re not denying the virus, but the danger has to be looked at soberly.” 

Gläser admits that the AfD is now angling for the same voter group as dieBasis, but that the new party still has to prove that it can win votes “outside its bubble.” 

“We’re a reliable force for people who are concerned about these limitations to basic rights,” he added.

  

Die Basis is angling for the same voter groups as the AfD, which is still the strongest opposition party in the federal parliament

The AfD was no alternative 

The dieBasis party now claims to have 25,000 members in Germany, which is not inconsiderable: The AfD currently has 32,000 members, and there are certain parallels between the two parties. 

Both were founded in direct response to what they saw as drastic and unlawful government measures imposed in response to a crisis: The AfD was formed in 2013 by a group of Euroskeptic economists angered by Germany’s bailouts of weaker European Union economies. Like dieBasis, the AfD was then fed by a populist people’s movement — in the AfD’s case, it was the anti-Islamization nationalist movement known as PEGIDA, which staged huge demos across Germany in 2015 and 2016. 

But the parallels are limited, says Hacker. He and many of his party members believe the bigger parties are simply opportunistic by sending out anti-lockdown messages now. 

“Among the established parties we didn’t see any who were really open for the core points of criticism we had,” he said. But he sees little overlap with the far-right populists either: “The AfD is a bit too nationalist for many of us,” he says.

While you’re here: Every Tuesday, DW editors round up what is happening in German politics and society, with an eye toward understanding this year’s elections and beyond. You can sign up here for the weekly email newsletter Berlin Briefing, to stay on top of developments as Germany enters the post-Merkel era.

Article source: https://www.dw.com/en/covid-lockdown-opponents-try-to-sway-german-election/a-59005055?maca=en-rss-en-ger-1023-xml-atom

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